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Crete is an island which forms a southern boundary to
the Aegean Sea, and lies southeast of Greece. Crete is 156 miles long, seven to
thirty-five miles wide, and 3,189 square miles in area. It is the fifth largest
island in the Mediterranean Sea (after Sicily, Sardinia, Cyprus, and Corsica),
and is on the spine of an undersea mountain range thought to have formed at one
time a land bridge between the Greek Peloponnesian peninsula and southern
Turkey. In ancient times, Crete was the main stepping stone (by sea) between
Greece and Africa, and between Asia Minor and Africa. The Philistines may have
migrated to Palestine from Greece, having been located on Crete for a time in
the ancient past.
Crete is centrally located, but very little was known of
its history prior to the Greek period. It was not until the archaeological
expeditions of Sir Arthur Evans in the late 19th Century that the facts of
ancient Cretan history became known. Evans was an out-of-work millionaire in
England, so he took a position as the curator of the Ashmolean Museum of Oxford
University in Oxford, England. He was an avid amateur archaeologist, but he was
to achieve a reputation which placed him among the most professional.
Evans was also a numismatist, and he heard about some very
interesting signet rings which had supposedly been left on the island of Crete
by some ancient Egyptians. Taking an extended vacation from the museum, he
sailed his personal yacht to Crete in 1894. He arrived in the harbor at Knossos
in that year, and he began an archaeological dig at a place nearby called the
Kephala site. On the very first day of digging, he uncovered the top of a bronze
age palace. He knew that he had found something, but the property didn't belong
to him; so he covered up the hole and began negotiations with the Greek
government on Crete to purchase the site.
The place that Evans bought was the site of ancient
Knossos; and the palace he had found was that of King Minos, who had, up until
that time, been thought of only as a legend. Evans called the civilization of
King Minos the Minoan civilization. This civilization flourished from early
times up until about 1400 B.C., and its discovery has been invaluable to the
study of Greek and European history and languages, especially those of the
eastern Mediterranean area.
The Minoan culture is distinguished by the originality and
high development of its art and architecture. In fact, the Minoan culture is
considered to be a forerunner of the Mycenaean civilization of ancient Greece.
Many examples of pictographic script were found at the
palace site; and two basic forms were identified, labeled Minoan Linear A and
Linear B. The work of decipherment began in the 1930's, but it was not until
1953 that the Linear B script puzzle was solved, by two men named Ventris and
Chadwick. They determined that Linear B is an archaic form of early Greek.
Linear A is still under examination.
Sir Arthur Evans was recognized with many honors: he was
elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Archaeologists; he was knighted in
1911; he was named president of the Society of Antiquaries from 1914 to 1919. He
died at Oxford in 1941.
The Minoan civilization was destroyed in about 1400 B.C.
with the eruption of the Santorini volcano at the island of Thera, about 70
miles north of Crete. It is thought that first a huge tidal wave struck the
island, destroying coastal cities and populations, and that then volcanic ash
came down, burying the whole island. Arthur Evans uncovered the buildings 3300
years later.
Of course, the island began to be repopulated immediately
as people migrated from the mainland. In about 600 B.C., Dorian Greeks came in
force and settled the island by conquest. Their cousins were the Spartan Greeks
from the Peloponnesus and the Philistine Greeks of Palestine. Spartan Greeks
settled on the western side of the island in cities like Lyttus. All of the
Greeks on the island were warlike, fierce fighters who prided themselves on
their independence and warrior qualities. Island people have a tendency to be
independent, and this trait was augmented by their heredity.
There were Cretan Jews at Jerusalem on the Day of
Pentecost, Acts 2:11; and Paul stopped at least once at Crete, on his voyage to
Rome, Acts 27:7ff.
The following excerpts are from the works of Polybius, one
of the most famous and prolific Greek historians of Roman times. The quotations
are taken from his Histories, Volumes II, III, and VI. The citations indicate
volume and page numbers as [II, 319], etc.
ON THE CRETAN MILITARY [II, 319ff] - "The Cretans both by
land and sea are irresistible in ambuscades, forays, tricks played on the enemy,
night attacks, and all petty operations which require fraud; but they are
cowardly and down-hearted in the massed face-to-face charge of an open battle".
ON CRETE'S INTERNAL STRIFE AND CIVIL WARS [II, 429ff], "The
city of Lyttus met with an irremediable disaster. Knossians and Gortynians had
subjected the whole island, except for Lyttus (about 225 B.C.). Since Lyttus
would not surrender to them, they declared war against it. At first, all the
Cretans took part in the war against the Lyttans; but jealousy sprang up from
some trifling cause, as is common with the Cretans. Several cities went over to
the aid of Lyttus.
"Meanwhile, the city of Gortyn was having civil war, in
which the elder citizens were taking the side of Knossos and the younger were
siding with Lyttus. The elder Gortynians, with the help of Knossians and
Aetolians, whom they had secretly let into the city and the citadel, put to
death the younger citizens, delivering the city of Gortyn to Knossos.
"At about the same time, the Lyttians left with their whole
force for an expedition into enemy territory. But the Knossians got word of
their departure and used the opportunity to occupy Lyttus, destroying the town
and sending the populace into slavery. The Lyttus military returned to a gutted
city and were so distraught that they didn't even enter the town, but sought
refuge in the city of Lappa, becoming in one day cityless aliens instead of
citizens.
"Thus, Lyttus, a colony of the Spartans, and allied to them
by blood, the most ancient city in Crete, and the breeding place of her bravest
men, was utterly and unexpectedly made away with."
ON THE GREED OF CRETANS [III,373ff] (In a comparison of the
Spartan and Cretan constitutions) -- "In all these respects the Cretan practice
is exactly the opposite (to the Spartan). Their laws go as far as possible in
letting them acquire land to the extent of their power; and money is held in
such high honor among them that its acquisition is not only regarded as
necessary, but as most honorable.
"So much, in fact, do sordid love of gain and lust for
wealth prevail among them, that the Cretans are the only people in the world in
whose eyes no gain is disgraceful...owing to their ingrained lust of wealth are
involved in constant broils public and private, and in murders and civil wars."
ON CRETAN TREACHERY AND CONNIVING (this is Polybius'
rebuttal to the statements of Ephorus, Xenophon, Plato and Callisthenes that the
constitutions of Sparta and Crete are similar) [III, 375ff] -- "Such are the
points in which I consider these two political systems to differ, and I will now
give my reasons for not regarding that of Crete as worthy of praise or
imitation.
"In my opinion, there are two fundamental things in every
state, by virtue of which its principles and constitution are either desirable
or the reverse. I mean customs and laws. What is desirable in these makes men's
private lives righteous and well-ordered and the general character of the state
gentle and just. What is to be avoided has the opposite effect.
"So, just as when we observe the laws and customs of a
people to be good, we have no hesitation in pronouncing that the citizens and
the state will consequently be good also. Thus, when we notice that men are
covetous in their private lives and that their public actions are unjust, we are
plainly justified in saying that their laws, their particular customs, and the
state as a whole, are bad.
Now it would be impossible to find, except in some rare
instances, personal conduct more treacherous, or a public policy more unjust,
than in Crete. Holding then the Cretan constitution to be neither similar to
that of Sparta nor in any way deserving of praise and imitation, I dismiss it
from the comparison which I have proposed to make."
ON THE TREACHERY OF SOME CITIZENS OF THE CITIES OF CYDONIA
AND APOLLONIA [VI, 31] -- "The people of Cydonia at this time committed a
shocking act of treachery universally condemned. For although many such things
have happened in Crete, what was done then was thought to surpass all other
instances of their habitual ferocity.
"For while they were not only friends with the Appolonians,
but united with them in general in all the rights observed by men, there being a
sworn treaty to this effect deposited in the temple of Zeus, they treacherously
seized on the city, killing the men, laying violent hands on all property, and
dividing among themselves and keeping the women and children, and the city with
its territory."
FROM CRETE VS. RHODES [VI, 285] -- "Antiphatas ... for, as
a fact, this young man was not at all Cretan in character but had escaped the
contagion of Cretan ill-breeding."
THE STORY OF THE CAPTURE OF ACHAEUS
(a true, and truly Cretan, episode)
First, some background Greek history -
Philip of Macedon had won recognition as a Greek by force
of arms. He announced his intention of leading a united Greek army against
Persia to overthrow it once and for all. He was elected general at the city of
Corinth in 335 B.C., but he was murdered shortly thereafter, and the army and
generalship passed to his son, Alexander.
Alexander crossed the Hellespont in 334 B.C. with an army
of 35,000 Macedonians and Greeks. He visited Troy, dedicated his armor to
Athena, and placed a crown on the tomb of Achilles, whom he regarded as his
ancestor. His first engagement with the Persians was at the river Granicus, east
of Troy, which opened his way into Asia Minor. The second main battle was at
Issus, after which he overran the whole east coast of the Mediterranean,
conquering as far as Egypt. His third great battle was at Guagamela in 331 B.C.,
which brought the final downfall of the Persian empire. He went on to conquer
territory over into India, but died at the age of 32 of a fever probably made
worse by alcoholism.
Alexander had begun to think of world empire, but it was
not to be. His generals fought each other to be his successor; and they finally
divided the conquered territories among themselves. Ptolemy began his dynasty in
Egypt, which lasted until Cleopatra. The Seleucid dynasty in Asia Minor, with
the kings named Seleucus or Antiochus, lasted until 65 B.C. when Syria became a
Roman province. The Antigonid rulers of mainland Greece and Macedonia also
remained independent until the Roman takeover.
For the next century and a half after Alexander, the
history of Asia Minor is that of the attempts by various kings to extend their
dominion over the Mediterranean area. There was continuous fighting between
Greeks, Egyptians, and Syrians, as first one and then the other became ambitious
for more territory.
In about 215 B.C., Antiochus III took an army to hunt down
a man named Achaeus, a member of the Syrian royal family, who had proclaimed
himself king in Asia Minor. Achaeus and his army were forced to retreat into the
city of Sardis, and Antiochus troops were camped almost all the way around the
city in siege.
Now - at this time, Bolis, a Cretan, was a high ranking
official in the court of Ptolemy, the Egyptian king. He was possessed of
superior intelligence, exceptional courage, and much military experience. He was
approached by Sosibius, the Egyptian "secretary of state", and asked to work up
a plan to save Achaeus from the clutches of Antiochus. In about three days,
Bolis told Sosibius that he would take on the job; mainly because he had spent
some time in Sardis and knew the layout of the land and the city. And he knew
that Cambylus, another Cretan, and a friend of his, was the commander of the
Cretan mercenaries in Antiochus' army.
In fact, Cambylus and his force of Cretans had charge of
one of the outposts behind the citadel where Antiochus was not able to build
siege works. This portion of the surrounding forces' line was occupied by
Cambylus's troops.
Sosibius had almost given up the idea of rescuing Achaeus;
but now he thought that if anyone could do it, Bolis could. And Bolis was so
enthusiastic about the idea that the project really began to move. Sosibius
advanced the funds necessary for the project; and he promised Bolis a large
reward from Ptolemy himself, pointing out also that King Achaeus would probably
express his gratitude with money.
Bolis set sail without delay carrying dispatches in code
and credentials to Nicomachus in Rhodes, a close friend of Achaeus, and to
Melancomas at Ephesus. These two men had previously acted as Achaeus' trusted
agents in foreign affairs. They were in agreement with Bolis' plan and began to
make arrangements to help him in the rescue attempt. Bolis also sent word to
Cambylus at Sardis that he had a matter of great urgency to discuss with him in
private.
Bolis, being a Cretan and naturally astute, had been
weighing every idea and testing the soundness of every plan. When Bolis met with
Cambylus, (according to Polybius), "They discussed the matter from a thoroughly
Cretan point of view. For they did not take into consideration either the rescue
of the man in danger or their loyalty to those who had charged them with the
task, but only their personal security and advantage. Both of them, then,
Cretans as they were, soon arrived at the same decision, which was to divide
between them in equal shares the ten talents advanced by Sosibius and then to
reveal the project to Antiochus; and undertake, if assisted by him, to deliver
Achaeus into his hands on receiving a sum of money in advance and the promise of
a reward upon delivery of Achaeus adequate in importance to the enterprise."
So, Cambylus left to talk to Antiochus; and Bolis sent a
messenger to Achaeus with coded messages from Nicomachus and Melancomas
outlining the plan to the king. Should Achaeus agree to make the attempt at
escape, Bolis would go ahead with the rescue plan. Antiochus, for his part, was
surprised and delighted at the offer from Cambylus. He was ready to promise
anything to get Achaeus in his hands; but he was equally wary of any Cretan
plan. So he demanded a detailed account of their project and how they were going
to carry it out. Cambylus was able to convince him, so Antiochus urged him to
put it into execution, and he advanced several talents for expenses.
Bolis, meanwhile, communicated with Nicomachus and
Melancomas, who, believing that the attempt was being made in all good faith,
immediately drew up letters to Achaeus in a secret mercantile code so that only
Achaeus could read the messages. The letters urged Achaeus to put his trust in
Bolis and Cambylus.
Bolis' messenger gained access to the citadel in Sardis
with the aid of Cambylus, and he handed the letters to Achaeus. The messenger
had been completely briefed in the fake plan, and he was able to give an
accurate and detailed account of everything in answer to Achaeus' numerous
questions about Bolis and Sosibius, Nicomachus and Melancomas, and especially
Cambylus. The messenger was able to support the cross-questioning with
confidence and honesty because he had no knowledge of the real agreement between
Bolis and Cambylus.
Achaeus was convinced and agreed to the plan. He sent word
back to Rhodes to Nicomachus, to tell Bolis to proceed. Achaeus figured that
once he had escaped he could travel quickly back to Syria, while Antiochus was
still occupied in the siege of Sardis, and create a great movement in his favor.
The rescue plan was as follows --Bolis and the messenger
would go into the citadel and lead Achaeus out. The messenger would lead the way
out because he knew the path and there was a new moon, making it completely
dark. Bolis would be last and stick close to Achaeus. If Achaeus were to be
alone, there would be no problem. But they wanted to take him alive; and if he
brought some people with him, they didn't want to take any chances of his
escaping in the dark when he found out he was being kidnapped.
Cambylus took Bolis to talk personally with Antiochus, who
again promised a huge reward for Achaeus. That night, about two hours before
daybreak, Bolis went through the lines to the citadel and met Achaeus. Here, let
Polybius pick up the narrative --
"As, however, Achaeus was second to none in intelligence,
and had had considerable experience, he judged it best not to repose entire
confidence in Bolis. He announced that he would first send out three or four of
his friends, and after they had made sure that everything was all right, he
would himself get ready to leave. Achaeus was indeed doing his best; but he did
not consider that, as the saying goes, he was trying to play the Cretan with a
Cretan. For there was no probable precaution of this kind that Bolis had not
minutely examined."
Achaeus dressed himself in rude clothing and put fairly
good clothing on some of his retainers. Then, in darkness, they went out on the
steep and difficult trail down from the citadel, the messenger in front as
planned, with Bolis bringing up the rear. Again, Polybius:
"Bolis found himself perplexed ... for although a Cretan
and ready to entertain every kind of suspicion regarding others, he could not
owing to the darkness make out which was Achaeus, or even if he were present.
But he noticed that at certain slippery and dangerous places on the trail some
of the men would take hold of Achaeus and give him a hand down, as they were
unable to put aside their customary respect for him. So Bolis very soon
determined who was Achaeus."
Achaeus was taken in ambush by Bolis and his men, who kept
Achaeus's hands inside his garment to prevent suicide. He was taken bound hand
and foot to Antiochus, who summarily executed him. Bolis and Cambylus received
their rewards and went their way.
A final word from Polybius: "Thus did Achaeus perish, after
taking every reasonable precaution and defeated only by the perfidy of those
whom he had trusted, leaving two useful lessons to posterity, firstly to trust
no one too easily, and secondly not to be boastful in the season of prosperity,
but, being men, to be prepared for any turn of fortune."